The indigenous leadership Dototakakyre Kayapó (known as Dotô) on a HAM radio, which Kayapó communities employed to collectively map out the operations of Jotinha's network int their land.
Until his arrest earlier this year, one of the biggest
forest destroyers in the history of the Amazon oversaw a large and
sophisticated criminal network from his base in Sao Paulo’s upper class
neighbourhood of Jardins. Wiretaps and field investigations by federal agents
have exposed a sprawling operation making millions from agriculture,
facilitated by hacking, satellite analysis and slave labour. This piece draws
extensively on a profile of the case in Brazilian non-profit environmental news
site ((o))eco.
In February 2014, more than 30 Kayapó, an indigenous people
living in the Mekrãgnoti reservation in Brazil’s northern state of Para,
travelled to Brasilia to denounce illegal deforestation in their lands to
IBAMA, the federal environmental protection agency. The Kayapó were eligible to
receive government funds as part of the deal that allowed the construction of a
new highway through their land. Suspecting that the communities were clearing
parts of the reserve, the government had withheld the funds.
After laying down their bows and arrows, the Kayapó
explained to Luciano Evaristo, IBAMA’s Director of Environmental Protection,
that the forest was in fact being cleared by outsiders in a large-scale
operation. “The conversation was hard,” Luciano told ((o))eco. In April
2014, he travelled to the Mekrãgnoti. In the resulting enforcement operation,
Operation Kayapó, IBAMA found 18 illegal logging camps within the reservation.
Some 40 individuals were arrested, and an area of 14,000 hectares in which the
gangs were operating were “embargoed” by IBAMA. It was, Luciano told ((o))eco,
“the largest area ever found by IBAMA opened by a single environmental offender
in the Amazon forest”.
During questioning of those arrested, one name kept coming
up: Antônio José Junqueira Vilela Filho. The operation was the beginning of a
two-year criminal investigation that would result in the unprecedented
detention of a powerful crime boss alleged to have overseen a sprawling,
sophisticated network, responsible for the illegal deforestation of vast areas
of the Amazon to produce timber and beef.
IBAMA agents collaborated with indigenous people to map incursions into the Mekrãgnoti reserve.
Operation Flying River
Vilela Filho, also known as Jotinha, is the son of Antônio
José Junqueira Vilela, owner of one of the biggest cattle ranching empires in
Brazil. Members of the Junqueira Vilela family were often seen among Sao
Paulo’s A-list, rubbing shoulders with politicians and celebrities.
The two-year federal investigation that followed Operation
Kayapó culminated in the arrest of several of Jotinha’s alleged collaborators on
30 June 2016, during the so-called Operation
Flying Rivers (Operação Rios Voadores). The Federal Police, Public
Prosecutors Office and IBAMA executed dozens of arrest warrants and searches in
towns and cities across five states. A
statement released by the Ministério Público Federal (MPF) named
Jotinha as the head of a network that systematically invaded forests, harvested
and sold high-value timber, burned what remained and then planted grass for
cattle. “To practice these crimes,” according to the statment, “the criminal
organization used labor under conditions similar to those of slaves.” Plots of
pasture grown on torched forestland were registered by Jotinha’s network in the
name of proxies (referred to as “oranges”) and then used for ranching by the
gang, or rented to third parties, according to the MPF. TheMPF alleged that the
network had “moved” more than half-a-billion dollars between 2012 and 2015. The
environmental impact of its activities was priced at US$120 million.
Following the operation, Jotinha himself remained a fugitive
for a week until he handed
himself in on 8 July, when he was placed in remand custody.
During the two year investigation leading up to Operation
Flying Rivers, IBAMA and other agencies had intensified monitoring of
the Mekrãgnoti reservation, installed wiretaps and employed judicial orders to
investigate bank accounts. A few days after Operation Flying Rivers took place,
a wiretap by the Federal Police revealed that Jotinha’s sister, Ana Luiza
Junqueira Vilela Viacava, had been coordinating the destruction
of evidence against her brother from the US. Ana Luiza was arrested
when she landed in Brazil a few weeks later. Her sister, Ana Paula, and
husband, Ricardo Viacava –from the Viacava family, also known in Brazil for its
cattle ranching empire – were both arrested during
Operation Flying Rivers, accused of participation in Jotinha’s criminal
activities.
In addition to freezing US$125 million of Jotinha’s money, federal
authorities have also frozen funds
belonging to another 12 individuals and companies, including Ana Luiza and
Ricardo Viacava, as well as the shell company Guatambu
Agricultura e Pecuária S.A, which had its assets confiscated.
The modus operandi
The investigation that culminated in Operation Flying Rivers
exposed operations, allegedly overseen by Jotinha, that were audacious in their
breadth and sophistication. The scope of the crimes committed is hinted at by
the range of offences with which Jotinha and other members of the network have
been charged: illegal deforestation, land grabbing, falsification of property
titles to claim private ownership of land in protected areas, conspiracy to
commit crime, money laundering and slave labour. By the time of their arrest in
June and July 2016, Jotinha and his partners had illegally deforested some
30,000 hectares in Para for cattle ranching and soy and rice cultivation,
mostly located alongside the motorway BR-163 – which borders Mekrãgnoti. The
same deforestation that had in the first place prompted the government to
retain federal funds owed to the Kayapó.
According to ((o))eco, the gang was organised into
clearly-defined cells, each responsible for a particular type of operation. The
so-called gatos (cats) were responsible for recruiting workers to log
forested areas. Logging camps were run by dedicated cells (núcleos de
desmatadores) always composed of ten people – one cook, one person responsible
for repairing the chainsaws and eight chainsaw operators. They worked in
degrading conditions, with no days off and the threat that, if they were caught
by IBAMA, they would get no pay.
These gangs were responsible for logging high-value species,
torching the forest and planting grass. Following Operation Kayapó, grass
cultivation was often done through aerial
dissemination due to the intensified presence of law enforcement on
the ground.
“The interesting thing about this case is that since there
was a lot of money available for the operation, deforestation happened very
fast,” Higor Pessoa, of the Federal Public Prosecutor’s Office in Pará, told
((o))eco. “It was a well-organized program, to be done in the least amount
of time possible and avoid environmental oversight.”
A view of illegally deforested land from the IBAMA helicopter
In Sao Paulo, shell companies financed the deforestation or
offered credit to cattle ranchers who leased or bought land from the group.
Sociedade Comercial AJJ was the largest of these companies. Jotinha’s sisters,
Ana Luiza and Ana Paula, were allegedly responsible for managing these
companies’ funds. The two sisters also received payments amounting
to US$5 million made by companies buying Vilela Filho’s beef, which are alleged
to include some of Brazil’s leading beef exporters.
The gang reportedly also sought to hide their activities
from the satellite monitoring systems employed by IBAMA, and used IT and GIS
professionals to hack government land registry databases so that its illegal
operations were less likely to be spotted by enforcement officials. ((o))eco
names several individuals connected to Jotinha’s operations, who facilitated various
aspects of the operation. Eremilton Lima da Silva, aka Marabá (one of the
so-called “cats”), received US$50 million on behalf of his wife, Laura Rosa
Rodrigues de Souza; the brothers Jerônimo Braz Garcia and Bruno Garcia,
partners in the company Jerônimo Máquinas, received US$150,000 for a “cleaning
service”; Eleotério Garcia, aka Panquinha, helped run “beef laundering”
practices, to make beef from Jotinha’s farms appear to be from legitimate
operations. Some employees at the meat processing company Redentor were issued
arrest warrants over their involvement in buying illegal beef from Jotinha’s
farms. All these individuals were arrested during
Flying Rivers.
Crime continues
In late August 2016, IBAMA – again spurred to action by
complaints made by the Kayapó – carried out Operation
Free Curuá (Operação
Curuá Livre) to detect illegal mining in Para. A central aim of the
operation was to revisit the areas previously deforested by Jotinha, where its
activities had been shut down by the environmental agency. Prior to the
operation, IBAMA had suspected that some of Jotinha’s farms might still be
operational.
IBAMA agents visited four areas attributed to Jotinha and,
in spite of the spate of arrests and embargoes, found illegal activities in all
of them: recent signs of fires, fences, roads, pasture, 800 heads of cattle,
chainsaws, ammunition, and people working there.
Investigations have recently uncovered further evidence
against the criminal network. On 9th August 2016, a judge in Sao Paulo
issued a new arrest warrant for Jotinha (who at the time had already been in jail
for a month) to be placed under remand custody due to new
evidence that in May 2015 a group that he led tried to assassinate the
landless peasant Dezuíta Assis Ribeiro Chagas in Sao Paulo state. The case had
been dismissed due
to lack of evidence, but the new arrest warrant was made possible by fresh
evidence that emerged following Operation Flying Rivers.
In October, Jotinha and ten other individuals were indicted for
illegal deforestation and land grabbing in a farm in Para. They have been
charged with violations of labour legislation, imposition of slave-like conditions
on workers, environmental crimes and invasion of public federal lands. The area
had been seized by IBAMA in 2013 due to illegal deforestation. But Jotinha
allegedly split the farm in two, selling one part and putting the other under
the name of a proxy, or “orange”. In 2015 IBAMA found camps with slave-like
working conditions on the farm.
Others indicted include Ana Luiza, Ana Paula and Ricardo
Viacava, who were Jotinha’s partners in the farm and are accused of receiving
US$1.5 million in payments related to irregular real estate deals and the sale
of illegal beef.
Press reports have highlighted the fact that authorities are
still working to uncover further
shell companies involved in Jotinha’s activities, as well as the extent to
which Amaggi, Bom Futuro and JBS are responsible for sourcing illegal
beef from the criminal network.
Jotinha at large again
In October this year, Jotinha was released from
the Tremembé penitentiary in Sao Paulo – where he had been in remand custody
since his arrest in early July – thanks to a successful habeas corpus petition
made by his defence. However, he may be soon behind bars again. On
2nd December, a federal prosecutor in Para requested a
federal court to issue a new warrant for his arrest. The prosecutor has made
fresh accusations of money laundering, forgery, active and passive corruption,
and illegal deforestation of public lands against Jotinha and 23 other
individuals.
((o))eco has claimed that
impunity was one a critical factor enabling Jotinha to continue operating.
According to the news portal, his father was responsible for large-scale
illegal deforestation but was never brought to justice. In the 1970s, he was
one of the pioneer cattle ranchers who made fortunes in the new agricultural
frontier of Mato Grosso. ((o))eco says that cattle ranching was in Jotinha’s
blood. He knew how to “launder the beef”, making it appear to be from regular
ranches.
“It’s a cultural issue,” Higor Pessoa, the Prosecutor from
Para, told ((o))eco. “Vilela Filho’s father was a great deforest and nothing
ever happened to him. But they were other times.”
This week (19th December) the MPF named another suspect
in the case: an IBAMA agent. According to a
detailed press release, Waldivino Gomes Silva, the director for the agency
in the Mato Grosso city of Sinop, had tipped-off Jotinha’s network about
impending inspections. After tractors, chains and fuels had been seized in
busts, Waldino Silva allegedly returned it to the gang, only for it to be
seized again in later enforcement operations. His role in the network was first
discovered during the execution of a search warrant, that turned up a bank
deposit made to his wife.
In a hint at the scope of the charges still to be brought
under the investigation, MPF says that it will release three more press
releases detailing aspects of its case against Jotinha’s gang.
According to ((o))eco, this case is unique due to Jotinha’s
arrest and the serious, concerted and continual effort by IBAMA, the Federal
Police and prosecutors to dismantle his entire criminal network. In an interview with
((o))eco, Luciano Evaristo said that “José Junqueira Vilela Filho’s criminal
empire, despite him having been arrested, is still up and running. IBAMA, its
partners and the indigenous people affected [by Jotinha’s activities] will
[continue to work to] destroy Mr. José Junqueira Vilela Filho’s criminal
empire”.